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The $200 Million Shelter: How Brooklyn's Power Brokers Looted the Migrant Crisis

A home care nonprofit with no shelter experience lands nearly $200 million in city contracts. Its leaders pocket $1.3 million. A retired cop runs a $3 million security side deal. A councilwoman and the governor's aide are under federal investigation. This is how New York City's migrant emergency became Brooklyn's biggest grift.

April 1, 2026 | New York City | By CIPHER Bureau

New York City - where $7.6 billion in migrant contracts were awarded, many without competitive bidding. Photo: Pexels

On March 31, 2026, federal agents arrested four men connected to BHRAGS Home Care Corp., a Brooklyn nonprofit that had quietly transformed itself from an in-home elder care provider into one of New York City's largest migrant shelter operators. The charges - wire fraud, embezzlement, bribery - read like a corruption playbook. But the arrests are only the visible edge of something far larger.

The indictment, unsealed in the Eastern District of New York, accuses BHRAGS Executive Director Roberto Samedy and former board chairman Jean Ronald Tirelus of stealing more than $1.3 million from the taxpayer-funded nonprofit. Among the stolen funds: $800,000 earmarked for "economic growth and affordable housing" in distressed Brooklyn neighborhoods. Money meant for the most vulnerable residents of one of America's most expensive cities, redirected into private pockets.

Two subcontractors - Edouardo St. Fort, a retired NYPD sergeant, and Miguel Jorge - were also arrested. They are accused of paying bribes and kickbacks to Samedy and Tirelus in exchange for contracts worth millions of dollars. St. Fort's firm, Fort NYC Security, secured a $3 million contract from the Department of Homeless Services the same year he retired from the police force. The timing alone should have triggered oversight alarms. It did not.

But the arrests represent only half the story. A federal search warrant, signed March 19 and obtained by the Associated Press, reveals that investigators are examining whether City Council Member Farah Louis and her sister Debbie Louis - who serves as Governor Kathy Hochul's assistant secretary for New York City intergovernmental affairs - accepted bribes or kickbacks tied to the appropriation of city funds to BHRAGS. Neither sister has been charged. Debbie Louis was placed on leave. Farah Louis did not return messages.

The warrant also names Edu Hermelyn, husband of state Assembly member Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, who chairs the Brooklyn Democratic Party. He too has not been charged. He too did not respond to press inquiries. The silence from Brooklyn's Democratic establishment is deafening.

Federal prosecutors allege BHRAGS leaders used their positions to "loot public funds from an organization devoted to serving vulnerable New Yorkers." Photo: Pexels

01 / The Machine: How BHRAGS Became a $200 Million Contractor

BHRAGS Home Care Corp. was incorporated more than 50 years ago. For most of its existence, it operated exactly as its name suggests - providing in-home care services to sick and elderly residents in Brooklyn's Haitian-American community. It was a small nonprofit doing modest, important work. Its headquarters sits at 2005 Nostrand Avenue, in the heart of Flatbush.

Then the migrants arrived.

Starting in the summer of 2022, Texas Governor Greg Abbott began busing asylum seekers to New York City. By mid-2023, the city's shelter system - already strained by its decades-old "right to shelter" court mandate - was buckling under the weight of 65,000 additional residents. The city needed shelter operators. It needed them immediately. And under emergency procurement rules, it did not need to compete the contracts.

BHRAGS pivoted. An organization with no demonstrated expertise in shelter management, no track record in large-scale housing operations, and no history of managing contracts anywhere near the scale it was about to receive, expanded its mission to include emergency shelters for migrants and other homeless services. According to public records reviewed by BLACKWIRE, the Department of Homeless Services awarded BHRAGS more than a dozen contracts totaling nearly $200 million since 2022.

Nearly $200 million. To a home care agency. For shelters.

The question is not whether something went wrong. The question is how anyone expected it not to.

"This is the fundamental problem with emergency procurement," said Susan Lerner, executive director of Common Cause New York, in an interview with City & State earlier this year. "When you remove competition, you remove accountability. What's left is trust. And trust, in New York City politics, is a commodity that has been badly devalued."

BHRAGS was not unique. It was one of dozens of organizations - some with political connections, some without any relevant experience - that received massive no-bid contracts during the migrant surge. The city comptroller's office documented at least 360 separate migrant-related contracts worth $7.6 billion in total, according to publicly available tracking data. Of those, 186 contracts worth $2.7 billion were awarded under emergency procurement rules that bypass normal competitive bidding, according to analysis by City Journal.

The scale of uncompetitive spending is without modern precedent in New York City governance. Not during 9/11. Not during Hurricane Sandy. Not during COVID-19. The migrant crisis produced more emergency no-bid contracting than all of those events combined.

New York City awarded $7.6 billion in migrant contracts - 186 of them, worth $2.7 billion, under emergency no-bid rules. Photo: Pexels

02 / The Accused: Profiles of the Four Men Arrested

Federal prosecutors in Brooklyn painted a picture of methodical looting. The four men arrested on March 31 are accused of operating a corruption network that fed off taxpayer money flowing through BHRAGS.

Roberto Samedy, 50 - Executive Director

Samedy ran the day-to-day operations of BHRAGS. Prosecutors say he and Tirelus embezzled more than $1.3 million from the nonprofit. This included $800,000 that was specifically designated for "economic growth and affordable housing" programs in distressed Brooklyn neighborhoods - money that never reached those neighborhoods. Samedy appeared in court in Brooklyn on March 31 and pleaded not guilty. His attorney, Seth Zuckerman, said Samedy was intent on "clearing his name and getting back to the important work BHRAGS is doing in the community." He was released on bond.

Jean Ronald Tirelus, 50 - Former Board Chairman

Tirelus served as BHRAGS's board chairman, the person theoretically responsible for governance oversight of the nonprofit. Instead, according to the indictment, he participated directly in the embezzlement. He and Samedy also received more than $200,000 in kickbacks and bribes from subcontractors in exchange for steering lucrative contracts their way. Tirelus pleaded not guilty. His attorney, Todd Spodek, said he "categorically disputes the charges and looks forward to clearing his name at trial." Released on bond.

Edouardo St. Fort - Retired NYPD Sergeant

St. Fort retired from the New York Police Department in 2023. That same year, his company, Fort NYC Security, received a $3 million contract from the Department of Homeless Services. Prosecutors allege he paid bribes to Samedy and Tirelus in exchange for contracts worth millions. St. Fort appeared in a Boston courtroom, was released on bond, and refused to answer questions from reporters as he left. He did not enter a plea. The timing of his retirement, company formation, and contract award merits scrutiny. A career law enforcement officer, retiring and immediately landing a seven-figure government contract through an organization whose leaders he was allegedly bribing - the pipeline from public service to private enrichment could not be more direct.

Miguel Jorge - Subcontractor

Jorge is the fourth man arrested. Like St. Fort, he is accused of paying bribes and kickbacks to BHRAGS leadership in exchange for subcontracts. Jorge pleaded not guilty in Brooklyn and was released on bond. Less is publicly known about Jorge's background and the specific nature of his contracting work, but the indictment alleges he participated in the same kickback scheme as St. Fort - paying to play in the migrant shelter economy.

All four men face serious federal charges. Samedy and Tirelus were charged with wire fraud, embezzlement, and bribery-related offenses, carrying potential sentences of up to 20 years in prison. St. Fort and Jorge face federal program bribery charges, with potential sentences of up to 10 years each.

The migrant crisis spending exceeds what NYC spends on its corrections department annually. Photo: Pexels

03 / The Shadow Network: Brooklyn's Democratic Machine Under the Microscope

The arrests are alarming. The search warrant is worse.

Signed on March 19, 2026, the warrant reveals that federal investigators are pursuing a broader corruption inquiry that reaches into the upper tiers of New York's Democratic political establishment. The warrant targets communications between BHRAGS, City Council Member Farah Louis, her sister Debbie Louis, and political consultant Edu Hermelyn.

Farah Louis represents Brooklyn's 45th Council District, which covers parts of Flatbush, East Flatbush, and Canarsie - neighborhoods with large Caribbean and Haitian-American populations, the same communities BHRAGS has historically served. The overlap between her constituency and BHRAGS's operational territory is not coincidental. In city politics, nonprofits and elected officials exist in symbiotic relationships. Nonprofits provide services. Elected officials steer funding. The question prosecutors are asking is whether that relationship crossed the line from politics into crime.

Debbie Louis holds a position of unusual leverage. As Hochul's assistant secretary for New York City intergovernmental affairs, she serves as a conduit between the governor's office and city agencies. Her role means she would have had visibility into - and potentially influence over - the flow of state and city resources to organizations like BHRAGS. Governor Hochul placed her on leave immediately after learning of the investigation. A spokesperson confirmed the leave but declined to comment further.

Then there is Edu Hermelyn. His name appears in the warrant because of his role as a political consultant and Brooklyn power broker. He is the husband of state Assembly member Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn, who chairs the Brooklyn Democratic Party - one of the most powerful county organizations in New York State politics. The Brooklyn Democratic Party has been rocked by ethics controversies in recent years, and the BHRAGS investigation threatens to deepen the crisis of confidence surrounding its leadership.

Hermelyn has his own complicated history with city government. He served as a senior advisor to former Mayor Eric Adams but resigned over questions about whether his simultaneous role as a Brooklyn Democratic district leader violated rules forbidding dual government positions. He later advised former Governor Andrew Cuomo during Cuomo's unsuccessful mayoral campaign. His career is a roadmap of Brooklyn's interlocking political networks - the same networks that, according to the federal warrant, may have facilitated corruption at BHRAGS.

The warrant does not indicate that charges against the Louis sisters or Hermelyn are imminent. It indicates only that a federal magistrate judge found sufficient grounds to authorize investigators to seize evidence. But in the vocabulary of federal corruption investigations, a search warrant targeting sitting officials is a flashing red light. Prosecutors do not pursue warrants against elected officials casually. The evidence threshold, while lower than for an indictment, still requires a demonstration of probable cause.

A political insider connected to Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn told the New York Post that the investigation was "political persecution driven by the far-right, targeting immigrants and the leaders who stand with them." The statement included the assertion that "there are no charges at this time, and the facts will ultimately lead to this case being dropped on its merits." This framing - corruption investigation as political persecution - has become a familiar defense in New York City politics.

The March 19 search warrant targets communications between BHRAGS, two elected officials, and a Brooklyn political consultant. Photo: Pexels

04 / The Bigger Picture: $7.6 Billion and Counting

BHRAGS is not an anomaly. It is a symptom.

New York City's migrant crisis has generated the largest wave of emergency contracting in the city's modern history. The numbers, compiled by the city comptroller's office, are staggering. Since 2022, the city has awarded at least $7.6 billion in migrant-related contracts through approximately 360 separate agreements. The New York State Comptroller's office estimates that combined state and city spending on asylum seekers will reach $4.3 billion between fiscal years 2022-23 and 2026-27. The city projected spending $4.7 billion in fiscal year 2025 alone - an amount that rivals what New York spends on its entire corrections department ($2.6 billion), sanitation department ($3.1 billion), or the better part of its fire department ($5.6 billion).

The emergency procurement rules that enabled this spending were designed for genuine crises - events like the September 11 attacks, Hurricane Sandy, or the COVID-19 pandemic. They allow city agencies to bypass the months-long competitive bidding process that normally governs government contracts. The rationale is sound: in a true emergency, bureaucratic delays cost lives. But New York's migrant spending has been classified as emergency procurement for nearly four years. At some point, a continuous condition stops being an emergency and becomes a policy choice. And policy choices require normal oversight.

The city has not transitioned most of its migrant contracts to normal competitive procurement. Of the 186 contracts worth $2.7 billion awarded under emergency rules, many have been extended repeatedly rather than rebid through competitive processes. The comptroller's office has documented patterns of spending that suggest insufficient oversight at multiple levels.

Consider the DocGo contract. DocGo, a publicly traded medical services company, received a no-bid contract worth $432 million to provide shelter services for asylum seekers. The comptroller's audit of DocGo found that 80 percent of the $13.8 million in payments reviewed were either unsupported or improperly documented, according to CBS News New York. The audit identified $2 million in overpayments for security guards and $1.7 million for hotel rooms that sat empty for months. The city comptroller's office noted that the Department of Housing Preservation and Development "did not hold DocGo to contract terms and conditions and did not require DocGo to provide appropriate documentation demonstrating that claimed costs" were legitimate.

DocGo. BHRAGS. These are not isolated failures. They represent a system-wide breakdown in contract oversight that was predictable, predicted, and permitted to continue. The city's Department of Social Services referred the BHRAGS case to federal authorities after flagging concerns about payments to St. Fort's security company. The referral itself raises an uncomfortable question: how many other contracts with similar red flags have not been referred? How many BHRAGS-like situations exist within the other 350-plus migrant contracts that no one has examined closely?

The Independent Budget Office of New York estimated that shelter costs for new arrivals reached $400 million in 2023 and $1.3 billion in 2024 - representing roughly a third of total asylum seeker spending in each year. The remaining costs cover education, health care, legal services, and a debit card program for shelter residents. Each of these spending categories has faced its own controversies over transparency and oversight.

New York's comptroller found that 80% of payments reviewed in the DocGo shelter contract were unsupported or improperly documented. Photo: Pexels

05 / The Adams Connection: A City Built on Pay-to-Play

To understand how BHRAGS could receive $200 million in contracts with minimal oversight, you have to understand the political ecosystem that produced the contracts in the first place.

Eric Adams became mayor of New York City in January 2022, just months before the migrant surge began. His administration oversaw the rapid expansion of the city's emergency shelter network, awarding billions of dollars in contracts to outside providers. Many of those providers had political connections to Adams or his allies.

Adams himself was indicted in September 2024 on federal charges of bribery, conspiracy, fraud, and two counts of soliciting illegal foreign campaign contributions. The charges dated back to 2014, when Adams was Brooklyn's borough president. He pleaded not guilty. Then, in a development that stunned legal observers, the Trump administration's Justice Department moved to drop the case in early 2025, arguing that the prosecution was distracting Adams from assisting with federal immigration enforcement. A federal judge dismissed the case in April 2025, though Judge Dale Ho noted that the dismissal request "smacks of a bargain: dismissal of the Indictment in exchange for immigration policy concessions."

The dismissal of the Adams case sent a signal through New York's political class: federal corruption charges against Democratic officials could be bargained away through political cooperation with the Trump administration. Whether that signal influenced anyone's behavior in the months that followed is unknowable. But the BHRAGS investigation suggests that the culture of corruption that surrounded the Adams administration did not end when his case was dropped.

Edu Hermelyn, one of the figures named in the BHRAGS warrant, served as a senior advisor to Adams. The Brooklyn Democratic Party, chaired by Hermelyn's wife, was central to Adams's political rise. The Haitian-American community in Flatbush - served by both BHRAGS and represented by Farah Louis - was part of Adams's electoral coalition. The relationships are layered, interconnected, and characteristic of New York's borough-level politics, where the lines between constituent service, political loyalty, and financial enrichment have historically been drawn in pencil.

Adams left office in January 2026, replaced by Zohran Mamdani, who won a special election. Mamdani's response to the BHRAGS arrests was measured. "We will definitely be looking into" the city's existing contracts with BHRAGS, he told reporters. The careful phrasing acknowledged the reality: Mamdani inherited a contracting apparatus that was built by his predecessor and may be riddled with similar problems.

The Department of Social Services, which initially referred the BHRAGS case to federal authorities, deserves credit for flagging the concern. But the referral also highlights a structural problem: the city's oversight mechanisms are reactive rather than preventive. They catch fraud after the money has been spent, not before. When you are distributing billions of dollars through emergency contracts with minimal upfront scrutiny, the opportunities for corruption multiply faster than any inspector general's office can investigate them.

The Adams administration oversaw the largest expansion of no-bid emergency contracting in NYC's modern history. Photo: Pexels

06 / The Federal Lens: Why the Trump Administration is Watching

The BHRAGS investigation does not exist in a political vacuum. The Trump administration has made migrant shelter fraud a priority enforcement target, and the timing of the arrests is notable.

Vice President JD Vance, designated as the administration's fraud investigation czar, has prioritized federal investigations into waste and abuse in migrant-related spending nationwide. Just days before the BHRAGS arrests, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced that the Treasury Department is offering whistleblowers financial incentives of 10 to 30 percent of monetary sanctions collected from successful fraud cases. The department told Fox News it has already received more than 700 leads.

Bessent drew a contrast between states that enable transparency in migrant spending and those that obstruct it. "That's why that young man, Nick Shirley, was able to go to see the scams," Bessent said, referring to a journalist who exposed Somali community fraud in Minnesota, "because it was: This is the name of the facility; this is the address; this is how much money they got. Oh look, it's an empty storefront. There's no one here. New York, California are hiding it."

The accusation that New York is "hiding" its migrant spending data has been disputed by city officials but is not entirely unfounded. The city comptroller's contract tracking portal provides aggregate data, but detailed spending information - including subcontractor payments, per-unit costs, and service delivery metrics - is often difficult or impossible to access in real time. The opacity creates space for corruption to operate undetected.

Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche recently announced a new DOJ fraud division specifically designed to address what he called an "insane" problem of government spending fraud. The BHRAGS case fits squarely within this enforcement priority. Federal prosecutors in Brooklyn, led by U.S. Attorney Joseph Nocella, appear to be building a case that could expand well beyond the four men already arrested.

"The defendants used their leadership positions to loot public funds from an organization devoted to serving vulnerable New Yorkers. Rooting out corruption remains a priority." - Joseph Nocella, U.S. Attorney, Eastern District of New York, March 31, 2026

The political dimensions of the investigation are impossible to ignore. A Republican administration is investigating Democratic officials in Brooklyn over migrant shelter spending - a policy area where the two parties have fundamentally different worldviews. Democrats argue that the spending was necessary to serve a humanitarian crisis. Republicans argue that the spending was wasteful and riddled with fraud. The BHRAGS case gives both sides evidence for their preferred narrative.

But strip away the partisan framing and the facts remain: $1.3 million was allegedly stolen from a nonprofit that serves vulnerable populations. Bribes were allegedly paid for government contracts. Public money designated for affordable housing allegedly ended up in private bank accounts. These are not partisan allegations. They are crimes.

The Trump administration's new fraud division has made migrant shelter spending a national enforcement priority. Photo: Pexels

07 / Timeline: From Home Care to Handcuffs

08 / The Victims: Who Loses When Shelter Money Disappears

Corruption cases in government spending are often treated as abstract - numbers on indictments, bureaucratic disputes about procurement rules. They should not be. When $1.3 million is stolen from a homeless shelter operator, real people suffer real consequences.

The $800,000 that prosecutors say was diverted from affordable housing programs was meant for some of the most economically distressed neighborhoods in Brooklyn. East Flatbush, Canarsie, Brownsville - these are communities where the median household income sits well below the city average, where affordable housing waitlists stretch for years, where residents are one rent increase away from becoming the very homeless people BHRAGS was contracted to serve. The money was designated for their economic growth. It allegedly went into someone's pocket instead.

The migrants themselves are also victims. More than 220,000 asylum seekers have arrived in New York City since 2022, most fleeing violence, political instability, and economic collapse in their home countries. Many of them were placed in BHRAGS-operated shelters. If the organization's leadership was focused on enrichment rather than service delivery, the quality of care those residents received is suspect. Were the shelters adequately staffed? Were they properly maintained? Were the meals adequate, the medical services accessible, the case management effective? When the people running an organization are allegedly stealing from it, the services that organization provides inevitably degrade.

BHRAGS issued a statement saying it has served New Yorkers for more than 50 years "with integrity and the highest ethical standards" and that it takes the allegations against Samedy seriously. The statement's careful phrasing - it does not mention Tirelus, whose relationship with the organization predates the current leadership - suggests that the nonprofit may try to distance itself from its own former chairman.

But the damage extends beyond BHRAGS. Every corruption case in the migrant shelter system erodes public trust in the broader social safety net. It makes it harder for legitimate nonprofits to secure funding. It feeds narratives - some cynical, some sincere - that government spending on migrants is inherently wasteful. The people who lose most when corruption thrives are not the politicians or the contractors. They are the residents who need services, the taxpayers who fund them, and the future organizations that will struggle to earn the trust that BHRAGS allegedly betrayed.

The stolen funds were earmarked for affordable housing in distressed Brooklyn neighborhoods where residents are already struggling. Photo: Pexels

09 / What Happens Next: The Investigation That Could Reshape Brooklyn Politics

The four arrests on March 31 are almost certainly not the end of this investigation. They appear to be the beginning.

Federal corruption cases typically follow a pattern. Prosecutors secure initial charges against lower-level figures, then use plea agreements and cooperation deals to build cases against more senior targets. Two of the four men arrested - Samedy and St. Fort - are in positions where they might possess information valuable to prosecutors investigating the broader network described in the search warrant.

The key question is whether the investigation reaches the elected officials named in the warrant. Farah Louis holds a City Council seat. Debbie Louis holds a gubernatorial appointment. Edu Hermelyn is married to the chair of the Brooklyn Democratic Party. If any of them are charged, the political earthquake would reverberate through New York's Democratic establishment.

Brooklyn's Democratic county organization has already been weakened by years of scandal. The borough produced Eric Adams, whose indictment - though dismissed - exposed a culture of foreign bribery and pay-to-play politics that shocked even hardened New York political observers. The Hermelyn family's connections to both Adams and the BHRAGS investigation raise questions about whether the corruption that surrounded the Adams era was an aberration or a feature of the party's operations.

Mayor Mamdani will face pressure to review all existing contracts between the city and BHRAGS, as well as similar arrangements with other shelter providers that may share the same red flags. The City Council, where a spokesperson said the body "takes any potential misconduct extremely seriously," will likely hold oversight hearings. The comptroller's office, which has already conducted audits of other migrant shelter contracts, may accelerate reviews of providers that share BHRAGS's profile - small organizations that rapidly scaled up during the crisis.

At the state level, Governor Hochul moved quickly to place Debbie Louis on leave, signaling that her office does not intend to shield its employee from scrutiny. But Hochul's own position is complicated. She inherited the migrant crisis from her predecessor, Andrew Cuomo, and has struggled to balance the demands of providing services with the political costs of spending billions of taxpayer dollars on a population that many New Yorkers view with ambivalence.

The federal investigation is being led by the Eastern District of New York, one of the most aggressive U.S. Attorney's offices in the country on public corruption cases. U.S. Attorney Nocella's statement about "rooting out corruption" suggests that prosecutors see the BHRAGS case as part of a larger effort, not a standalone prosecution.

For Brooklyn's political establishment, the next few months will be defined by a question: How many more names are in those seized communications? The warrant authorized investigators to examine phone records and message histories connecting BHRAGS to the Louis sisters and Hermelyn. Whatever those records contain, they are now in the hands of federal prosecutors who have demonstrated a willingness to follow the money wherever it leads.

Brooklyn's Democratic establishment faces its deepest corruption crisis in a generation. Photo: Pexels

10 / Follow the Money

The BHRAGS case is a case study in how humanitarian crises become profit centers for the politically connected. A genuine emergency - tens of thousands of asylum seekers arriving in a city already struggling with a housing crisis - created an environment where normal oversight was suspended, normal competition was eliminated, and normal accountability was deferred.

Into that vacuum stepped organizations like BHRAGS - nonprofits with political connections but limited capacity, awarded contracts far beyond their operational expertise. The money flowed. And when the money flows without oversight, some of it always flows into the wrong pockets.

The federal government has now begun the painstaking work of tracing those flows. Four men are in custody. A search warrant names three more figures with deep roots in Brooklyn's political machinery. The investigation is expanding, not contracting.

New York City spent $4.7 billion on migrant services in fiscal year 2025. The BHRAGS case involves $200 million of that. If the same ratio of fraud exists across the broader migrant contracting apparatus - and there is no reason to assume BHRAGS is uniquely corrupt - the total amount of misappropriated funds could be staggering.

Joseph Nocella, the U.S. Attorney in Brooklyn, said the defendants worked to "loot public funds from an organization devoted to serving vulnerable New Yorkers." That sentence contains the entire tragedy: public money, meant for the vulnerable, looted by the people entrusted with it.

This is not a story about immigration policy. It is not a story about partisan politics. It is a story about what happens when billions of dollars are distributed without adequate safeguards - when emergency becomes the norm, when oversight becomes optional, and when the people writing the contracts and the people profiting from them occupy the same political ecosystem.

The arrests are a start. The question is whether they represent a turning point or another chapter in New York's endless cycle of corruption exposed, corruption punished, corruption repeated.

Brooklyn has seen this before. The question is whether, this time, anyone is actually watching.

SOURCES: Associated Press, ABC7 New York, Fox News, City Journal, NYC Comptroller's Office, Haitian Times, NY State Comptroller, Independent Budget Office of NYC, ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer. All claims sourced to court filings, official statements, and verified reporting. BLACKWIRE CIPHER Bureau. April 1, 2026.